Chapter 2

Columbia Heights: A History of Development through Community Engagement[1]

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View a timeline of Columbia Heights’ history on TimeGlider.

Jane Jacobs famously observed of the city neighborhood that it does not need to recreate “an artificial town or village life”; in fact, it need provide nothing more than “some means for civilized self-government” (Jacobs 1961, 117). But in the Northwest Washington, D.C., neighborhood of Columbia Heights, it is that very rich community life that Jacobs saw as nonessential that has propelled the neighborhood through two centuries of transformative growth. Bounded by Spring Road NW to the north, Florida Avenue NW to the south, 16th Street NW to the west, and Georgia Avenue NW to the east,[2] Columbia Heights has always taken an interest in its own betterment, aided by the early adoption of new technologies but challenged by at times complicated race relations. Throughout the neighborhood’s history, its residents’ predisposition towards community engagement has tied together the disparate strands of a narrative woven from racial, socioeconomic, age, and cultural diversity. At the same time, the social and cultural history of Columbia Heights has also manifested itself in the neighborhood’s built environment. Both of these have influenced the conditions that make Columbia Heights an interesting case study for hyperlocal media. One of the greatest strengths of hyperlocal media is their ability to cater to the specific needs of a targeted audience; to understand the potential impact for such media in Columbia Heights, one must first become acquainted with the neighborhood’s history of community engagement, early adoption of technology, diversity, and the way in which all these facets of life define its residents.



Bordered by Mount Pleasant and Adams Morgan on the west, Parkview on the east, Shaw to the south, and Petworth to the north, Columbia Heights is one of several neighborhoods within the District’s Ward 1. In 2011, Jim Graham (D) was the councilmember for Ward 1. The local government in the District of Columbia is comprised of eight wards, within which are a total of 37 advisory neighborhood commissions (ANCs). Advisory neighborhood commissions are governed by a board of representatives elected within each neighborhood to represent even smaller single member districts (SMDs). Columbia Heights (according to the boundaries defined in this study) is served by ANC 1A and ANC 1B, each of which is subdivided into 11 SMDs. Columbia Heights is also under the jurisdiction of the third district of the Metropolitan Police Department.

The demographics of Columbia Heights today are the product of multiple population shifts over the course of the last century, as the following paragraphs will detail. The population of Columbia Heights was 32,006 in 2010. Among these residents, 26.5% were white non-Hispanic; 40.6% were black non-Hispanic; 27.7% were Hispanic; and 4.3%  were Asian/Pacific-Islander. Foreign-born residents comprised 27.8% of the Columbia Heights population. Between 2005 and 2009, the average poverty rate was approximately 21%, and the average household income was approximately $62,500. During that same period, the average home ownership rate in Columbia Heights was 31.9% with a median sales price in 2010 of approximately $384,000 for a single-family home.[3] Average voter turnout in Columbia Heights in 2008 was 58.1% of registered voters (District of Columbia Board of Elections and Ethics 2008).[4]

Early History: 1727 through 1900

When nineteenth-century Washington’s city center was still a separate entity from the less developed areas of Washington County, Columbia Heights existed only as two large estates owned by individual landowners. Thus, the neighborhood was conceived through independent ownership, not communal development, but over time it shared many of the same concerns about housing, transportation, and race relations as the adjacent areas of Mount Pleasant and Adams Morgan.[5] The southern half of the present-day neighborhood initially housed the Mount Pleasant Estate, while the land north of Columbia Road was granted to James Holmead by Charles Calvert, Lord Baltimore, in 1727, and became the Pleasant Plains estate. Pleasant Plains was subdivided among Holmead’s heirs and sold off in parcels throughout the nineteenth century (Kraft 2010, 242). In 1800, the Mount Pleasant Estate was consolidated, and in 1821, Columbian College was established on part of this land. The college served as military quarters for Union troops in the city during the Civil War, and in 1912 it was relocated to Foggy Bottom as George Washington University (Kraft 2010, 240).

The early subdivisions built on the land of these estates formed the basis for the neighborhood’s residential settlement. In 1865, Samuel P. Brown subdivided the land north of Park Road and west of 14th Street and named it Mount Pleasant after the earlier estate; this area subsequently expanded to the west into the neighborhood known as Mount Pleasant today (Kraft 2010, 240). In 1881 John Sherman, a senator from Ohio and a Secretary of the Treasury, bought 121 acres of land between 11th and 14th Streets and Boundary Street and Park Road; these lots formed the basis for the subdivision named Columbia Heights, after Columbian College. The name gradually came to refer to the surrounding area, as well (243).

Because of its high elevation and location on the city’s outskirts, Columbia Heights initially offered a residential retreat from central Washington for primarily upper-class residents. In 1883 developer Amzi L. Barber purchased and renovated a Queen Anne-style stone mansion on Clifton Street and called it The Belmont (Kraft 2010, 244). It was rented by Chief Justice Melville Weston Fuller (“In the Hotel Lobbies” 1888, 6). Other high-profile residents to live or rent in the area included General John Logan, Secretary of State and presidential candidate William Jennings Bryan (Kraft 2010, 242-243), and Senator John A. Logan (The Columbia Heights Citizens’ Association 1904).

This early neighborhood benefited from water and sewer lines, as well as the horse-drawn and later cable cars of the Washington and Georgetown Railroad Company, as early as the 1890s, making it technologically advanced for its time (Kraft 2010, 244). After the power station for the cable cars burned down, these were replaced by four streetcar lines that served Columbia Heights: on 11th Street, Georgia Avenue, 14th Street, and through Mount Pleasant up to 16th Street and Columbia Road (Kraft 2010, 245). These transportation conveniences lured developers to the neighborhood, including the Englishman Harry Wardman. Wardman built 650 row houses, most of them Colonial Revivals designed by the architect Albert Beers, in Columbia Heights between 1902 and 1913 (“Wardman Washington” 2005). In 1914 Wardman bought The Belmont and replaced the building with the Wardman Court apartments, the largest luxury apartment complex in the city at the time (Kraft 2010, 246).



Era of the Engaged Elite: 1904 to 1920

The Columbia Heights Citizens’ Association formed in 1904 to attract even more upper-class residents to the neighborhood. The Association championed Columbia Heights’ higher elevation, “good streets (many of them well side-walked and shaded), excellent sewerage and water service, and attractive residences with all modern improvements” (The Columbia Heights Citizens’ Association 1904, 15). The Association saw itself as “public-spirited citizens…ever alive to the mental, moral and material advancement of their home surroundings” (3). It was open to white residents only, and thus the association’s definition of the neighborhood’s boundaries excluded the predominantly African-American neighborhood west of 15th Street near Meridian Hill (Kraft 2010, 244). The mixed-race settlement near 11th Street (in the present-day sub-neighborhood of Pleasant Plains) in the early twentieth century led to the subsequent formation of the Pleasant Plains Civic Association, for the black residents disenfranchised by the Columbia Heights Citizens’ Association (245).

In the midst of these civic associations, Mary Foote Henderson, wife of Senator John Henderson, stood out as a vocal individual on the subject of further developing the 16th Street area, in addition to other parts of Washington. The Hendersons’ own home, known alternately as Henderson Castle and Boundary Castle, stood at the corner of 16th Street and Boundary Street (now Florida Avenue). It was built by E. C. Gardner of Boston in 1888 for $50,000 and sustained multiple additions over the following 30 to 40 years (Electronic building permit database, Permit 1743, Square 2567). After the Hendersons’ deaths, their home was leased as the Castle H Tennis and Swimming Club before its demolition in 1949 (Kohler and Carson 1978, 340).

Mrs. Henderson’s causes included the development of 16th Street as a grander “Avenue of the Presidents,” lined with busts of the presidents and closed to commercial vehicles. At public meetings she shared the designs of her architect partner George Oakley Totten to enhance 16th Street in a way that would elevate Columbia Heights’ reputation by giving it a direct visual link to the White House and all it stands for. In fact, her grand plans included designs for a new Presidential Mansion by Paul Pelz and plans by Frederick V. Murphy and W. B. Olmstead for the Lincoln Memorial, both located on Meridian Hill (Kohler and Carson 1978, 326-327). Her proposals were largely unsuccessful, except for one, which continues to shape the physical character of Columbia Heights today: Meridian Hill Park.

Mrs. Henderson proposed the construction of Meridian Hill Park, near her home, in 1906, and after reviewing plans from George Burnap of the Office of Public Buildings and Grounds in 1913, the Commission of Fine Arts approved the plan in 1914. The twelve-acre park took decades to complete, due to turnover among designers, court injunctions, neglect, and vandalism. Eventually, it featured “a French Renaissance esplanade overlooking a grotto, cascade and terrace in the Italianate manner” (Kohler and Carson 1978, 329-330). Over the years, several sculptures were installed as gifts from foreign delegations and others (331-332). Today, the Park is used by diverse groups of people from all around the city for relaxing, playing sports, and casual flanerie. It is simultaneously grand in its Italianate and French-influenced garden design and modest in its suitability for serving the needs and uses of its local community.


The Growth of Local Commerce and Culture: 1920s to 1950s

As Columbia Heights and the nation at large prospered in the boom years of the 1920s, the neighborhood added more attractions to its developing center at 14th Street and Park Road. The Tivoli Theater was constructed on the northeast corner of this intersection, at 3301 14th Street, in 1924 by architect Thomas Lamb for $300,000 (Electronic building permit database, Permit 1264, Square 2837). At a time when going to the movies was itself still a luxury, “the theater offered moviegoers the splendor of plush carpeting, plum damask wall coverings, an enormous ceiling dome with an elaborate chandelier and a $35,000 Wurlitzer organ to accompany silent films” (Bredemeier 1985). In its early years, though, the Tivoli Theater discriminated against African-Americans (Smith 1993). The theater was abandoned in 1976, but placed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1985. It was later restored and reopened as the GALA Hispanic Theater in 2005.

Across the street from the Tivoli Theater, the Arcade Market opened in 1907. Investors transformed a former car barn of the Washington and Georgetown Railroad Company into an indoor market that later added a movie theater, skating rink, basketball court, dancehall, and carnival-style amusements. The Arcade became a center for entertainment, including Washington’s professional basketball team, the Palace Five (Kraft et al. 2009, 8). As the Arcade grew, its owners secured building permits to expand the property several times over the years, including in 1910, 1926, and 1927 (Electronic building permit database, Permits 175-177, 525-528, 827, and 844, Square 2674).

The 1920s stands out as a period of growth along 14th Street as a commercial corridor. Riggs Bank opened a branch at 14th Street and Park Road, which still stands today as a PNC bank branch (Kraft 2010, 246). Also around this time J. W. and Alice Sheets Marriott opened the first of their Hot Shoppe restaurant chains on 14th Street (247). Commercial development was enabled by the routes of the streetcar lines, and the roads where the streetcars ran remain centers for commercial activity even today (e.g., 14th Street and 11th Street). This commercial and cultural center created a public space for the community to gather. Long-time resident Marietta Smith recalled of 14th Street, “If you didn’t do anything but window shop, it was a pleasure to go out” (Kelch 1987). With the rise of stores owned by African Americans, 14th Street in the 1950s and 1960s “was not only cultural black Washington, but commercial black Washington,” observed resident Ernest Drew Jarvis (“Memories of Mayhem and Mercy” 2008).

At the same time, the 1920s also saw shifting race relations in Columbia Heights. Following the U.S. Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson decision, developers began including race restrictions in covenants for deeds to property west of 13th Street. As a result, mixed races, including blacks who emigrated from the South, settled east of 13th Street, until the white population began to decamp for the suburbs (Kraft 2010, 247-248). As the racial demographics shifted, Central High School, once the finest white high school in the city, was dissolved in 1940, and the all-black Cardozo High School moved into Central’s Clifton Street building in 1950. By 1950, Columbia Heights became predominantly black (250). Around this time, the neighborhood’s boundaries were considered to be 16th Street to west, 11th Street to the east, Shepherd Street to the north, and Euclid Street to the south, and it was referred to as “Cardozo” until the 1970s (“Columbia Heights Citizen Unit Has History of Achievements” 1955).



Social Turmoil: Girard Street in the 1960s

Changing demographics were accompanied by changing housing conditions, and it would take a community-oriented approach to begin to find ways of alleviating some of the difficulties residents faced by the 1960s. Fortunately, All Souls Church Unitarian, which moved to its third location in the city on 16th Street and Harvard Street bordering Adams Morgan in 1924, had a history of pushing for social change, beginning with its own backyard. The church’s immediate neighborhood had long been home to white older couples, single adults, and families with grown children, but this began to change in the 1950s, as black residents moved into the area in different living arrangements. By 1960 the 1400 block of Girard Street, behind the church, was 90 percent black, with mostly young adults, children, and domestic, service, and unskilled workers. More broadly, 25 percent of welfare recipients in the District could be found within the Cardozo school district (Perman 1964).

Residents of the 1400 block of Girard Street faced poor housing conditions and a need for social services. Anita Bellamy, a social worker, was chosen by the Social Welfare Committee of All Souls Church to head the Girard Street Project to help these residents learn to meet their own housing needs. Her first goal was to create social ties among the neighbors, who shared public space but no sense of place or community. As the project report later described, “While all these people shared the sidewalks and alleys which surrounded their homes, they did not know each other, trust each other or have any feeling of common purpose” (Perman 1964). Consequently, the 1962 project began with the establishment of the Girard Street Association, a community group at first consisting mostly of mothers’ that met in residents’ homes (Perman 1964).

The association was dynamic, changing to meet the needs of its members through Bellamy’s initial supply of information about social services, followed by the residents’ efforts to band together to turn part of the church parking lot into a playground. The association also hosted a block party to gather residents together and formed a club for the local girls to enhance their cultural education through visits to the monuments and the city’s museums. Eventually, the association formed the country’s first neighborhood credit union under the auspices of the University Neighborhoods Council, which was chartered by the Bureau of Federal Credit Unions in March 1964. In these ways, the association helped engage populations (in this case, mothers and young girls) otherwise neglected in their immediate neighborhood and the wider city by empowering them to take organizing into their own hands (Perman 1964). The church played an important role in galvanizing neighbors’ involvement in their immediate neighborhood to improve both social conditions and the physical environment. The Girard Street Playground still stands today, and next to it is the Columbia Heights Community Center, built in 2007. The Girard Street Association exemplifies the possibilities of combining Columbia Heights’ sense of community activism with a targeted geographic approach to meet the specific needs of the community. This dynamic foreshadows the specific, diversified roles played by hyperlocal media and community organizations in the twenty-first century.

A Slow Recovery: The 1968 Riots to the 1980s

The challenges faced on Girard Street in the early 1960s were small compared to the conditions in Columbia Heights after 1968. The Columbia Heights neighborhood was the hardest hit in the city during the riots following the assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr., on April 4, 1968. Structural damage was valued at $6.6 million, accounting for half of all the destruction in the city (Kraft 2010, 253). Challenging everything Columbia Heights residents believed about their community and their neighbors’ investment in it, rioters caused chaos for days. Washingtonian Clyde Nance Jr., recalled, “I was mad because they had killed King, but these people were burning up their own neighborhood” (“Memories of Mayhem and Mercy” 2008). Smith Pharmacy owner Larry Rosen described the efforts of black business owners, and some white ones, to deter looters by scrawling “Soul Brother” or “Black Power” in their windows, and while Rosen’s store had welcomed the black community as customers and staff, he was still shocked to find it looted and burned (ibid.). Along 14th Street from Logan Circle north to Park Road in Columbia Heights, 4,000 homes and 270 of the street’s 320 businesses were gutted following the riots (Loose 1998). The 14th Street corridor became “a sort of urban desert of vacant lots and boarded storefronts” (Kraft 2010, 254). The city’s 14th Street Urban Renewal Plan began to take form in 1969, to enable both retail and housing development (“Columbia Heights mall yields taxes, jobs” 2008). Hardship hit not only Columbia Heights but all of Ward 1, “an area in which the divisions of income, education and housing quality [were] sharply drawn,” with the dividing line separating Columbia Heights from more privileged Mount Pleasant falling at 16th Street (Gov’t. of the District of Columbia 1982, 6).

Recovery from the riots would take the combined efforts of government, nonprofits, commercial developers, and residents themselves decades to achieve. Government officials bulldozed 70 acres of land in Columbia Heights, hoping that developers would come to rebuild them, but this did not come to fruition (Loose 1998). Reflecting on the period following the riots, The Washington Post observed, “Nearly all the post-riot trailblazers were nonprofit organizations — arts groups, churches, foundations and social service agencies” (ibid.). Among these were Jubilee Housing, Washington Inner City Self Help (WISH), the Development Corporation of Columbia Heights (DCCH), and a partnership between the CHANGE anti-poverty group and All Souls Church (Loose 1998, Camp 1978). Together they tried to rehabilitate local housing and commerce.

Columbia Heights remained pockmarked by abandoned lots, buildings in disrepair, and high levels of drug use and crime through the 1990s. Crime, in particular, emphasized the permeability of the neighborhood’s boundaries. From the 1970s through the 1990s, certain serial criminals struck in both Columbia Heights and Mount Pleasant, such as a gunman who terrified residents of both neighborhoods from going outside at night (Singletary 1993). Moreover, much of the drug trade was attributed to “outsiders with no stake in the neighborhood,” such as white-collar workers from suburban Maryland who stopped along 14th Street for drugs on their way downtown (Thompson 2007, 11-12).

That community organizations began to proliferate in tandem with the rise of crime demonstrates both the need for a refuge from the difficult conditions on the streets, and the investment of Columbia Heights’ residents in reclaiming the community of which they had always been so proud. The Latin American Youth Center was incorporated in 1974 with the support of the DCCH to provide family and youth services to Latinos in Washington and has since expanded to offer housing, run charter schools, and provide instruction in arts and media (“History” 2010). The Calvary Bilingual Multicultural Learning Center, now CentroNia, was founded in 1986 in the Calvary United Methodist Church to provide early childhood education services (“Mission and History” 2010). The Loughran Boys and Girls Clubhouse on 13th Street also played an important role for youth in the 1970s and 1980s by providing a place “where the problems of the outside world could be put on hold and you could just be a kid” (Thompson 2007, 14).

The founding of these organizations coincided with the arrival of the Latino population in Columbia Heights. Immigration began with the recruitment of Central American women by diplomatic families, followed by their spouses and families (Thompson 2007, 136). Although 16th Street was the unspoken housing line that non-blacks did not cross, Beatriz Ortiz, director of CentroNia, said Latinos were unaware of this demarcation and simply migrated where they could find housing, some coming from nearby Adams Morgan and Mount Pleasant (Thompson 2007, 131). In the early development of CentroNia, Ortiz continued to bridge this perceived divide by bringing African-Americans into the community there (Thompson 2007, 136). Further enhancing multicultural cooperation was the founding of the Southern Columbia Heights Tenants Union in the 1980s with the support of the Sojourners, an all-white religious group who alleviated their minority status with their open-mindedness. “You can’t go and tell people what to do, you have to go and listen and then work with them,” Sojourners’ leader Jim Tamialis told The Washington Post (Harris 1983).

Revitalization Comes to Columbia Heights: 1990s to 2010

The arrival of a Metro station in Columbia Heights was not as fluid a process as the formation of the tenants’ union. Instead, the planning and construction process spanned nearly two decades. As early as 1978, the 14th Street Project Committee called upon Metro Board not to delay in building the Columbia Heights Metro station, as it was expected to help the neighborhood recover from post-riot blight. At this time, Metro Board expected to finish its planned expansion between 1985 and 1987 (Feaver 1978). However, Metro Board did not even approve the Green line extension that would include the Columbia Heights station until 1985. The station finally began service on September 18, 1999, broadening access to Columbia Heights to the rest of the city (Thompson 2001). The expansion of the Circulator bus route to Columbia Heights in 2008 further connected the area to neighboring Woodley Park, Adams Morgan, and Logan Circle.

Delays in revitalizing the 14th Street commercial corridor and many of its sites were not always for lack of trying. The 1990s Ward 1 D.C. Council representative Frank Smith, Jr., clashed with the D.C. Zoning Commission over efforts to include residential zoning in the Tivoli parcel. Further conflicts with preservationists necessitated compromises about the degree to which the original interior and exterior designs would be restored to their original designs (Smith 1993). Eventually, Tivoli Square was redeveloped with duplex condos, a Giant Food supermarket, shops, and offices (Wilgoren 2003). Furthermore, the reopening of the Tivoli, once a symbol of discrimination against African-Americans, as the GALA Hispanic Theater and home to the National Center for Latino Performing Arts underscores the neighborhood’s multicultural growth.

The most recent large-scale development in Columbia Heights unfolded between 2002 and 2008. In 2002 the National Capital Revitalization Corporation chose developers for six sites along 14th Street that had long stood vacant (“Columbia Heights Development” 2002). These included the Dance Institute of Washington, two housing sites developed by Donatelli & Klein, an apartment building developed jointly by Mission First Capital Advisors and the Non-Profit Community Development Corporation of Washington, D.C., and two condominium sites from Triangle II Partners. Two other projects were planned for sites formerly owned by the city: the Giant Food supermarket by the Tivoli Theater, developed by Horning Brothers, and what is now the the $140 million, 546,000-square-foot DC USA retail complex (anchored by Target), developed by GRID Properties in conjunction with DCCH (ibid.).  Robert Moore, DCCH president, pegged the development’s success to the cooperation of local nonprofits in winning community support. “Churches really know how to have meetings. That helped a lot,” he told The Northwest Current (“Columbia Heights mall” 2008).

Apart from churches, nonprofit organizations also play an active role in the Columbia Heights community. The Latin American Youth Center, for example, has tried to tailor opportunities for community engagement to fit the needs of Columbia Heights’ youth. Their Art + Media House provides training in photography, creative writing, poetry, radio and television production, and the visual arts. Partnerships between the city and Art + Media House to paint public murals allow youth to engage in a medium of self-expression intimately tied to the built environment and one that is meaningful to them. “City officials don’t engage youth in the same way they engage adults,” said Selina Musuta, which is why Art + Media House supports alternative approaches (S. Musuta, pers. comm.). Musuta, a volunteer instructor at Art + Media House, is one of the inaugural class of Public Media Corps fellows, a project to address socioeconomic inequalities in broadband adoption that was launched in 2010 by the National Black Programming Consortium and has based its pilot program in Columbia Heights and the Southeast Washington neighborhood of Anacostia.

Another space that combines community engagement and the arts is BloomBars, founded by John Chambers in 2008 as an artistic exhibition and performance space and a gathering place for its 11th Street neighbors. Supported entirely by volunteers and donations, BloomBars’ offerings expand as people in the community propose programs they would like to lead. Program Director Gowri Koneswaran, for example, began by co-hosting the evening open mic performances and a weekly event called “Poetry in the Morning,” a poetry reading early Monday mornings that was begun by a high school student in 2009 (G. Koneswaran, pers. comm.). BloomBars (which serves no alcohol or food) attracts visitors by word of mouth or pedestrians’ curiosity upon passing the colorful, mural-covered building, and even local youth will drop in just to see what is going on. “I get such joy with walking over to 11th Street,” said Koneswaran. “It, to me, is the alternative vision to what development in this kind of neighborhood can look like,” she said, contrasting its local coffee shops, restaurants, and salons with the anonymity of the DC USA shopping center (G. Koneswaran, pers. comm.).

Others who are deeply involved in the neighborhood share her concerns about the effects of its re-gentrification and commercial growth. Andrew Wiseman, the “New Columbia Heights” blogger, said, “A lot of it is big box [retail] or chains, which is a little worrisome to me” (A. Wiseman, pers. comm.). The challenges Columbia Heights faces from gentrification echo through other neighborhoods across Washington. Still, one advantage Columbia Heights has over the rest of the city—and even neighboring Adams Morgan and Mount Pleasant, to a certain extent—is a characteristic that has remained constant throughout the neighborhood’s fluid history: residents’ sense of pride in and attachment to their community. The following chapters will explore what happens when Columbia Heights’ history of neighborhood pride and civic activism discovers the opportunities of hyperlocal media.

[1] This chapter adapted from Hadge 2010c.

[2] All streets referred to in the following pages will be located in the NW quadrant of the District Columbia, unless otherwise noted. While not acknowledged explicitly by the Government of the District of Columbia, the neighborhood boundaries delineated in this study are commonly accepted today.

[3] All of these demographic figures were calculated using 2010 data from the 8 census tracts that made up Columbia Heights in 2000. Data were used from tract 28.1, tract 28.2, tract 29, tract 30, tract 31, tract 35, tract 36, and tract 37 as indicated on the website NeighborhoodInfoDC (, accessed 2 April 2011). Data on median sales prices in 2010 were only available for three census tracts. The price stated is the mean of those three median prices.

[4] This calculation was determined by finding the mean voter turnout for voting precincts 23, 36, 39, 41, and 42, which together cover all of Columbia Heights. Precinct 39, however, also extends into Mount Pleasant.

[5] See Appendix A for map.

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