George Orwell (English 246: Fall 2011)

Sex, Law and Power in Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty Four

December 19, 2011 · Leave a Comment

In the world of Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty Four sexual regulation is an integral part of the government’s ability to control the population of Oceania. Orwell presents a critique of the sexual regulation imposed on the subjects of Oceania in his presentation of a dystopian society and makes an argument for sexual privacy. West argues that there are two standard ways of establishing laws regulating sexual behavior. The first is to establish these laws according to the rules of morality, which favor a high degree of sexual regulation. The other is sexual regulation according to a more liberal ideology that encourages people to autonomously decide what kinds of sexual behaviors are socially acceptable. West also indicates two nonstandard ways of establishing laws regulating a society’s sexual practices. The first considers sexual regulation in terms of the political consequences and how a certain degree of sexual regulation benefits social organizations. The other is the humanistic regulation of sexual practices that is concerned with how sexual regulation can produce a good quality of life for the individuals of a community.
In his argument for sexual privacy Orwell assumes two things about power. First that “power is the willingness and ability to kill, control manipulate, oppress, humiliate and torture other human beings” (244). Second that power is most dangerous in the form of a concentrated state power. West outline two contradictory ways to respond to unconstrained state power: foundational faith in the protective properties of the law and rebellion, “unregulated, naturalistic, animalistic, erotic, hedonistic, pleasure-for-pleasure’s-sake sex [that is] a politically rebellious act and, particularly, a political act of defiance against states, state power, and state authority” (247). These two reactions to unchecked state power are usually mutually exclusive but in Nineteen Eighty Four Orwell suggests that both rational law and irrational sex are effective responses to a concentrated, and therefore dangerous, state power.
West goes on to challenge Orwell’s assumption that power is most dangerous in the form of concentrated state power. West proposes that perhaps private power is the most dangerous form of power. In this sense though sex can certainly be an expression of malignant private power it also represents an intimate reprieve from the rampant struggle between private powers in the public realm. As such, state laws become necessary to regulate the malignant use of sexual power, but these laws must also allow for the possibility of an intimate sexual bond between individuals that represents a detachment from the power struggle in the public realm.
West distinguished between Orwell and Michel Foucault and their views on power. Whereas Orwell considers power to be characteristically destructive and censorial, Foucault insists that power “is neither destructive or controlling, but affirmative and creative, and comes from all sorts of social pores, as well as from the whims of states or political sovereigns” (256). But unlike Foucault Orwell believed in something beyond power: our natural inclinations towards love and intimacy. As such, Orwell proposes a humanistic method of considering law and the regulation of sex. And though Orwell did not successfully predict our political future he urged us to “measure the worth of our political institutions we create…in Nineteen Eighty Four and elsewhere, by reference to their effect of the quality of our individual and communal lives” (260). Unlike Foucault, Orwell held that “Neither we, our sex, our experiences, our truths, our loves, our laws, or our nature is exclusively a product of power. And because they are not, they can be destroyed by it” (260).
Works Cited
West, Robin. “Sex, Law, Power, and Community on Nineteen Eighty-Four.” In On Nineteen Eighty-Four: Orwell and Our Future. Edited by Abbott Gleason, Jack Goldsmith, Martha C Nussbaum and Barbara S Kirschner. Princeton, NJ: Princeton UP, 2005.

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Christopher Hitchens

December 16, 2011 · 2 Comments

Just this evening, famed author, noted atheist, and literary critic Christopher Hitchens passed away after a long struggled with esophageal cancer. Over the past twenty years, Hitchens has been one of the more vocal and well known literary thinkers on Orwell. Below, I attached a link to a 2002 BBC interview that focused on Hitchens’ view of Orwell. Much of it focuses on issues we have discussed in class, e.g. the name change, perceived homophobia, his struggle to be published, amongst other issues. Its an interesting interview that offers another shade into this very complicated literary figure. If you have a moment between exams, I’d recommend giving it a read through.

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Analyses of Orwell’s Nineteen Eighty-Four

December 11, 2011 · Leave a Comment

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Power in Discourse? Affirming Napolean’s Position through Speech

December 11, 2011 · Leave a Comment

axiom [ˈæksɪəm]
1. (Mathematics) a generally accepted proposition or principle, sanctioned by experience; maxim
2. a universally established principle or law that is not a necessary truth the axioms of politics
3. (Philosophy / Logic) a self-evident statement

The use of dialogue can be used to construct one’s identity and thus, one’s perception of reality. The usage of reinforcing dialogue is similar to the use of axiom markers by abusive, authoritarian men in their relationships. For example, Peter Adams, Alison Towns, and Nicola Gavey published “Dominance and Entitlement: The Rhetoric Men Use to Discuss their Violence towards Women” which analyzes the discourse of men who had been violent towards women. They found that men used a wide range of rhetorical devices such as “reference ambiguity, axiom markers, metaphor, synecdoche and metonymy.” Their paper explained how the men used rhetorical devices to discuss male dominance and entitlement to power and how the men used such phrases to reinforce their violence towards women. Adams, Town and Gavey hypothesized that men’s word choice “camouflage and maintain positions of dominance within relationships with women.” Similarly, Floretta Boonzaier studied how partners in authoritarian relationships discuss their lives. Her research showed that participants’ narratives of self, other, relationship and violence” can exhibit “narrations of violence as a mutual endeavor and all-encompassing narratives of power and control.”
From the abstract of her article…“However, little research has focused specifically on both partners’ constructions of their relationships. This article is based upon a study that examined how women and men in intimate heterosexual relationships attribute meaning to the man’s perpetration of violence against a woman partner. Narrative interviews were conducted with women and men who constituted 15 heterosexual couples. In this study participants’ narratives of self, other, relationship and violence included ambiguous constructions of victims and perpetrators; constructions of violent relationships as cyclical in nature; constructions of woman abuse as a problem of the self; narrations of violence as a mutual endeavour and all-encompassing narratives of power and control. This study provided insight into the subjective, relational and gendered dynamics of abusive relationships, illustrated the significance of the context in shaping the ways in which experiences are narrated, and showed the value of poststructuralist theorizing to feminist psychology” (Floretta Boonzaier, If the Man Says you Must Sit, Then you Must Sit’: The Relational Construction of Woman Abuse: Gender, Subjectivity and Violence)

I hypothesize that axiom statements in Orwell’s Animal Farm function similar to the use of axiom markers by the submissive partners in human relationships that help to reinforce the power of a dominant other over the speaker.
Snowball- “War is war. The only good human is a dead one”(37).
Sheep- “Four legs good, two legs bad”(41)
Boxer- “Napolean is always right” “I will work harder”(48)

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